We suggest considering four propositions:
- If, on the one side, populism often expresses the popular will to
entrust “strongmen” with power, which could lead to the rise of
latent authoritarian temptations, on the other side it also expresses
the popular will for a more participatory democracy, which current
forms of representative democracy do not seem able to
provide \cite{tarchi2004} . Therefore, the first
proposition is to complement representative democracy with other
methods of political participation. Deliberative democracy, in its
various forms, seems the obvious answer to respond to the populist
challenge. However, it has so far remained an academic exercise with
very limited applications. It is vital that new forms of consultation
with citizens are introduced and that elected officers seriously
engage with them.
- The second proposition is a radical change in the attitude of elites,
especially in their capacity for delivering public policies and
services. The top-down approach is dead, but the attempt to give fake
responses just to please the crowds is equally useless. A genuine
involvement of citizens in public policies is needed, with an effort
to be more transparent about policy options. Without sincere attempts
to respond to the criticisms and concerns of citizens, it is unlikely
that the populist wave will ever retreat.
- The third proposition focuses on the need to introduce serious welfare
and job creation programs. These programs should have been at the very
core of any democratic country and it is surprising that so little
innovation has been carried out in the last forty years. In
consolidated democracies, it is always argued that there is no budget
to finance these programs and high public debt is often considered an
insurmountable obstacle. This logic needs to be rejected, especially
when, in many countries, military expenditures are on the rise.
- The fourth proposition concerns economic globalization, which is, more
and more, a ticking bomb in our societies. Trade flows, financial
flows, and foreign direct investment have grown exponentially over the
last 40 years, while the development of political institutions which
should govern them has been almost non-existent at the world level.
Small improvements have been carried out at the regional level and in
Europe in particular. But political integration, at the regional or
even global level, has not successfully addressed the unbearable
inequalities and uncertainties created by economic globalization. Not
surprisingly, dominant groups have managed to appropriate most of the
benefits, leaving nothing to marginal groups. National political
institutions should therefore adopt explicit policies to redistribute
these benefits but also to provide visible and legible institutional
responses. Direct forms of participation in world politics should be
attempted, also as a way to address the global democratic deficit.